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The United States shrugged in Israel’s Gaza plan, moving further away from allies

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Anthony Zurcher

North American correspondent in Washington

EPA U.S. President Donald Trump is a meeting on the West Wing of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin NetanyahuEPA

President Donald Trump said this week whether to occupy Gaza

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced Israel’s intention to control all signals in the Gaza Strip, an escalation in flight in the face of some stressed international warnings.

But at least so far, the U.S. government shrugged to a persuasive collective.

On Tuesday, President Donald Trump said whether to completely occupy Gaza is “depending on Israel.” When asked the next day whether he gave Israel a “green light”, he talked about the U.S. strike against Iran earlier this year.

Washington’s ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee is more direct – his answer is that Netanyahu’s Gaza plan is not a US focus.

“Telling them what should or shouldn’t be done is not our job,” he said. “Of course, if they ask for wisdom, lawyers, advice, I’m sure the president will provide it. But in the end, it’s a decision that the Israelites and only the Israelites can make.”

Netanyahu has objected to his plan – especially from Chief of Staff Lieutenant Eyal Zamir, who, according to Israeli media, opposed a comprehensive career.

In this case, the announcement after the Israeli Security Cabinet meeting did not say that Israel would control the entire territory of the Gaza Strip, but rather “prepare for control of Gaza City.”

However, it does mention that one of the five principles for ending the war is “Israel security control in the Gaza Strip.”

Some suggested a complete acquisition of Gaza was on the table all the time.

“Netanyahu has been planning to take over Gaza and he is just waiting for the right time,” Amin Saikal, an emeritus professor of Middle East, Central Asia and Islamic Studies at the Australian National University, told the BBC.

Netanyahu suggested that Israel does not want to retain the territory, but “put it to the Arab forces” – without specifying which one.

But, regardless of the plan, the Trump administration has not shown any public that Netanyahu was wrong.

This represents a clear change in White House policy. Trump has been willing to outline his views on Gaza’s future—even if it captures Netanyahu and the Israelis.

He said after his second presidency in February, he said the United States could be deeply involved in the reconstruction of Gaza as a global resort and suggested that Palestinians might have to relocate outside the territory.

Despite the U.S. joining Israel to attack Iran’s nuclear facilities in a brief conflict between the two countries in June, Trump publicly and strongly forced Israel to comply with a ceasefire that ended the conflict.

Last month, Americans expressed misfortune over Israel’s attack on Syria – openly opposing it while sharpening its criticism to private criticism.

“Bibi acts like a lunatic,” a White House official told news site Axios. “He’s been bombing.”

Watch: “Refrigerated” air video shows Gaza as ruins

The White House also invested in ending the Gaza war, and even imposed a ceasefire on Netanyahu before Trump took office in January.

Steve Witkoff, a real estate giant with a wide diplomatic portfolio in Trump’s White House, has been the focus of these negotiations, trying to release the remaining hostages of Hamas in the October 7, 2023 attack.

Just a month ago, the White House was optimistic about a deal.

“We hope that by the end of this weekend, we will reach an agreement that will put us in a 60-day ceasefire,” Witkoff said on July 8.

But just two weeks later, negotiations for the ceasefire collapsed, and Vidoc publicly accused Hamas of acting selfishly rather than being sincere.

“Hamas really don’t want to reach a deal,” Trump said on July 25. “I think they want to die, it’s very, very bad.”

Trump’s remarks – and his decision to abandon talks with Hamas and maintain ambivalence about attitudes representing a large-scale new Israeli military action – could be a strategy designed to force the Palestinian group to make new concessions at the negotiating table.

If so, it will soon become obvious.

“The Trump administration has a lot of leverage,” said Professor Secar of the Australian National University. “I don’t think Netanyahu will do this unless he has some kind of consent or implicit support from Washington.”

Shows Israel's military control over the Gaza Strip

However, the situation in which the United States goes from public opposition to obvious alienation may certainly also be part of the president’s efforts to return to his non-interventionist viewpoint – a position he temporarily abandoned during the Iran strike, shocking a part of his political base.

Israel-Palestinian Negotiations During the Barack Obama administration, President Frank Lowenstein told the BBC: “The growing concern is that this is inconsistent with the U.S. policy first, and the war that makes the U.S. deepen is not the president’s Israel-Palestinian Negotiation Special of the President during the Barack Obama administration.

“But now, I think Trump will let Netanyahu do whatever he wants.”

If so, then Trump’s position is in stark contrast to the latest statements recently recognized by France, the United Kingdom and Canada. The moves are intended to put additional pressure on Israel to reduce its military operations and negotiate with Hamas.

This diplomatic recognition can and the U.S. indifferent to the prospects of Israel’s military occupation, which may be indefinitely, drive the U.S. and its allies in a noticeable different direction.

However, both represent implicit recognition that the current situation is untenable, and the negotiated peace is farther than ever.

With Trump, there is no telling how long this trend will last. But by the time Trump changes course again, Israel may follow a path in Gaza, which will be difficult to reverse.

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