Federal trial reveals Trump’s huge plan to attack pro-Palestinian students

In April, U.S. District Judge William Young, sitting in Boston, made a procedural ruling from the bench, which seemed to surprise the attorneys in the court. Like many other judges today, Young held a hearing to consider whether to grant a preliminary injunction – in normal courses, this would quickly stop illegal or unconstitutional government policies. A count, in the first seventy days Donald TrumpDuring the presidency, forty-six judges nationwide issued such orders, preventing the government from exercising its governance style in advance. this Purpose Behind these orders is to prevent imminent, irreparable harm to the plaintiff and to allow extra time for the court to assess the legitimacy of the challenged action.

But Judge Yang had other ideas. He announced in public court: “A hearing on the motion for the preliminary injunction was further heard under Federal Rule 65(a) and combined with the trial in terms of the merits.” In other words, he would not simply give short-term relief and kick the jar off. There will be trials, which will happen soon – meaning that deposition, document production, case management meetings and other details will all drop over a few months before proceedings begin sometime in the summer. This choice makes it fair to describe as the most outcome of the second Trump presidency, the most far-reaching trial: the American Association of University Professors, etc. The case of Marco Rubio (or AAUP v. Rubio for short) promotes the government’s systematic arrest, disappearance, detention and deportation of pro-Palestine student protesters and advocates.

The targets of this shocking crusade, all of which are non-citizen visa holders or legal permanent residents who have opposed the Gaza war As we all know So far, some have more than others: Mahmoud Khalil, rümeysaöztürk, Mohsen Mahdawi, Yunseo Chung, Badar Khan Suri. All of them landed on the government’s radar and icearound the same time in March and April. All of them believe that the government has tried to deport it based on anti-war rhetoric protected by its constitution and in the process won or secured their freedom from immigration detention. However, this freedom and their freedom to remain in the United States are insignificant. The government still wants Khalil and other students to retrieve, return to immigration courts, or fight for their opportunity to stay in the United States or study in a highly complex legal process.

For Khalil, Öztürk and others, the truth about how and why ice It is elusive to hunt them down. They and their lawyers know what the rest of us know: They are public faces in the movement toward pro-Palestinian student protesters, part of a broader attack on the First Amendment and higher education itself. For its purpose, the administration is very honest with its intentions: “This is the first arrest for many people in the future,” Trump Write Regarding the Truth Society, Khalil, an Algerian citizen born in Syria, was arrested two days after the soon-to-graduate Algerian citizen. White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said after pointing out “this administration’s policy” that participation in “anti-American, anti-Semitism, anti-Hamas protests will not be tolerated”, while the Department of Homeland Security “uses intelligence” to identify students. Meanwhile, Secretary of State Rubio personally signed a visa and green card revocation through a small amount of authority granted to him under the immigration law. After Tufts University’s fifth year, Turkish national Öztürk, Rubio admitted that he was behind the detention and was arrested. “At some point, I hope we run out because we’ve gotten rid of everyone,” he said. “But we’re looking for these lunatics who are tearing things up every day.” Judge Yang wouldn’t lose this openness. “The government is not acting secretly here.” explain In court. “One thing that can be said is the government’s candidness about what it is doing.”

But so far, students targeting the government don’t know exactly what the government knows, such as how they end up on the blacklist and then acted on by the State Department and other immigration authorities. They also don’t know how agents in the state have decided to phase it out in the wild or in the Washington, D.C. offices and then continue to detain and deport. There has not been an official description of the creepy effect this corded approach has taken on many other international students, scholars and scholars who now believe they must self-censor themselves, retreat to public life, scrub presence online or avoid protests. That’s the point of AAUP v Rubio, not brought by Khalil and other selected students by the government, but by those who fear they’ll be the next step in the fire. The trial is important because, that is most of the truth that the government has, and most of its content and its broader impact are otherwise revealed – using fragmentary litigation, habeas proof proceedings alone, or in the distant immigration court, in the distant immigration court, the process itself, as Khalil and his legal team know that it is a punishment, it is a punishment. As shown in the court records in the parallel cases against the government, these are forums and cases may not once Go to the trial.

Judge Yang like test. As he said in this case when he decided to do a man: “In the best way humans know, judgment is for justice. That’s what I want. I want judgment. You gave me the basis to order one. I am.

Since this is a trial on the bench, Judge Young (not the jury) is the sole arbiter of facts and laws, so it is obvious that it is not his intention to rescue any student case, otherwise the work of other judges would be introduced. “I do not direct other judges,” he said early in the trial. He operated a tight ship, maintained strict time limits (four and a half days per side) and focused on the question at hand, namely, who did what and when to conduct a lawsuit surrounding the deportation of Pro-Palestininan students during the implementation of the government’s policies; proof of the First Amendment rights of the plaintiffs and how the rights of non-citizen members were violated; evidence that the government is responsible for these harms. Online, the judge will consider what remedies he can order if necessary.

Unlike student protesters, all have legal status to bring pain to the government, and the plaintiffs here – the American Association of University Professors, its three chapters and the Middle East Research Association – exacerbates another harm: they cannot fully exercise their rights, they teach, write, organize, organize and collaborate with each other as they do in various fields, because they can do it in all fields. (The case was filed by the Knights First Amendment Institute of Columbia University.The Bully’s Pulau“Produced by the Institute, but I have no connection with its legal team.) There is a unique connection with Khalil and the targeted students. He got to the gate from his housing in Colombia, because then the university needed a judicial arrest warrant ice The agent entering the gates of Columbia, the property outside is not very safe. ” (Eventually, Mahdawi was arrested ice In Vermont, after a scheduled naturalization interview to the state. He caught up with his graduation in May in time.

The government remains committed to deportation of students and has been opposed to any recollection with private conversations like Mahdawi or Öztürk. contour On Canary Mission’s website, the pro-Israeli organization operated anonymously, as many suspect and finally confirmed, feeds the government’s actions toward Pro-Palestininan students. Young wouldn’t let the content of the conversation be proof, but Sara Johnson, an advisor at Tufts at Öztürk, did describe the impact of this challenge on her and her students: “Her eyes are red. Her face is fluffy. She is obviously trying to suppress tears with Kleinkes’ fist.”

The extent to which the government acted in the nearly five thousand tips from Canary Mission, and measures from another pro-Israeli group, Betar US, has co-compiled thousands of Pro-Palestinian students, has become the main pillars of the plaintiff’s case. Peter Hatch, Assistant Director of Intelligence iceTestified on the third day of the trial that the “most” names came from the Canary Mission. “We received information about the same protesters from multiple sources, but the canary mission is the most inclusive,” he said. The number of names led the government to create a “Tiger Team” (an art term in the federal government) to quickly process the protesters’ names with intelligence analysts to conduct “analytical reports” above one hundred of them and then share them with state departments for further action. Reports of Khalil, Öztürk and other students were accepted and showed for the first time in public court – by then the government had never disclosed the evidence, although the student’s lawyers had lawyers ask For reports and other related documents in the lawsuit.

So far, there is no doubt that this work is a well-planned policy involving multiple components in different institutions. However, the higher the officers are in the chain of command, the greater their resistance to admitting that one is. John Armstrong, head of the State Department’s Consular Affairs Bureau and the person who signed the “Memorandum of Action”, including those involving four of the five students, denied that his actions were similar to ideological deportation policy. “At the end of the day, the Bucks stopped with me,” he said. “I’ll know if there is an ideological deportation policy involving the Consular Affairs Bureau. It’s stupid to show that there is such a policy I don’t know.”