How many court cases can Trump lose in one week?

yes Donald Trump Tired of all the failures? In the past week alone, federal judges across the country have rejected some of the most important and far-reaching measures Trump’s initiatives — from his efforts to reshape the global economy with tariffs and mobilize the military to serve as police in U.S. cities, to the point where he refuses to spend billions of dollars in funding allotments from Congress. The president continued to cite non-existent emergencies to justify over-litigation by his executives, and the judge continued to call him out to issue a harsh condemnation in the tradition of Justice Berill Howell, who observed in his case of dismissal of civil servants this spring that “the president of the United States is not a king—even “elected.”

I’m not sure if this week’s epic failure has received the attention it deserves, and there’s no doubt that this is partly because there’s something else to worry about in the United States, like whether Trump is really alive despite all the internet rumors. It illustrates the moment in which the president is not only with us, but has begun raising funds to surround his so-called death on Labor Day weekends. (“These rumors are just another desperate attack by the failed left, and they can’t stand the victory we won!” said the tone of the email that arrived in my inbox Thursday morning.) But what do you think about the situation of the rumors about his death, it’s his opinion on the rumors of his death, a welcome dispersion of Trump’s underlying political reality.

In fact, the president entered his first term in his second term, historically Low The approval rating is the only president who has been approved by Trump himself in his first term and a fundamentally destructive agenda with a fate that has not been determined. I’m very clear that for the moment, this is not a dominant narrative about Trump 2.0, whether you like it or hate it, is often covered as a sweeping and surprisingly successful attack on the pillars of government inside and outside the U.S. institutions. However, based on performance in the next few months, it may be. Here’s the point: From the first seven months of Trump’s first seven months in power, he has begun a breathtaking effort to reshape the U.S. presidency. What is far from obvious is whether and to what extent he succeeds.

The latest failure began last Friday when the U.S. Federal Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Trump’s alleged mutual tariffs imposed double-digit duties on major trading partners such as Canada, China and the EU was illegal. On the holiday weekend, a federal district magistrate intervened to prevent immigrant children from being deported to Guatemala, some of which were already loaded on planes. The U.S. DC Circuit Court of Appeals resumed the Federal Trade Commissioner Tuesday, saying Trump did not have the power to claim to fire her. Similarly, on the same day, another federal judge ruled that when sending hundreds of National Guard personnel to Los Angeles while protesting Trump’s immigrant crackdown, the president violated 19th-century laws prohibiting the use of troops for family law enforcement purposes. Another judge in Boston on Wednesday rejected billions of cuts to study Harvard’s research funding, a broad-based free-academic war that is unlikely to be central to Trump’s second term. Late Wednesday night, a federal judge in Washington blocked billions of dollars in Trump’s order to cut cuts in foreign aid, saying he was usurping Congress’s power in refusing to spend money. I should add that this is an incomplete list. If nothing else, it shows the extraordinary scope and scale of the battle Trump chose to pursue, not a strategic view of the presidency, but all visions of unrestricted presidential power.

Of course, important warnings apply to all these refusals by Trump can and are likely to be overturned by appeals; a losing streak in September may soon be the record for a winning streak next spring, especially the Trump Supreme Court, which failed to examine many of Trump’s initial additional excesses in the first few months after Trump’s return, almost certainly fueling his further, faster application His favorite constitutional theorypeople call it the doctrine of “I can do whatever I want.” This week, Trump has filed a tariff ruling with the Supreme Court for a swift review in the case that will not only test the legitimacy of his favorite economic tool, but will also veto constitutional restrictions on broad claims of emergency powers. U.S. District Court Judge in Foreign Aid Amir Ali It is clear that his words will hardly be the last question, and given the question of whether the president can simply decide on a violation of Congress’ appropriations bill, a “clear higher court guidance” is expected.

Even if Trump ends up losing some or even all of these cases, life-saving aid can be saved, but split by demanding immigration policies, supply chains are damaged or destroyed by the weak demands of individual men, and potentially life-saving aid. So let’s stipulate that losing a victory can be a good result in Trump’s case. When crushing items is the target, regardless of whether the judge finally agrees, the more crushing, the better it will be.