Anthony ZurcherNorth American correspondent

The military power of the People’s Republic of China was fully demonstrated during the march to the end of World War II on Wednesday.
Donald Trump is thousands of miles away from the White House in Washington, D.C.
“They want me to watch, I’m watching,” he said.
The U.S. president did not elaborate on his thoughts on the massive celebrations all over the Tiamman Square, but was just “very, very impressive.” However, the information from China to Trump and the world seems quite clear.
There is a new and growing center of power in the world, a new alternative to the order supported by the United States in the past century.
Trump made a comment at a meeting with Polish President Karol Nawrocki on Wednesday, with little clarification on the matter.
This is the climax of a series of typical reviews of the events in China by the U.S. president over the past few days. It’s a mixture of contradictions, complaints and concerns.
In a podcast interview on Tuesday, Trump felt indifferent to the march, saying he was “not concerned” with Putin’s force over North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and more than two dozen other heads of state.
By Tuesday night, however, he was grieving on his truth social networking site that China did not support the United States in World War II.
He wrote: “When you give your consire poem to the United States of America, please give your warmest greetings to Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong Un.”
Apart from conspiracy, Trump has a special liking for marches and military demonstrations. he Welcome Putin to Alaska last month Overpass with stealth bombers and a red carpet lined with U.S. jets. He has fond memories of attending the French Bastille Day celebrations during his first presidency. And he Host your own military parade Two months ago, to celebrate the 250th birthday of the U.S. Army in Washington.
Compared to Beijing’s high-tech weapons and precise parade masses, Trump’s parade is a low-key tribute to American military history, as World War II two-World War tanks and revolutionary soldiers casually walked on the Constitutional Avenue near the White House.
Its core is nostalgia, suiting Trump’s regressive “Make America Great Again” slogan, and his economic policy is based on 19th-century mercantilism – Trump often insists that America is the biggest era in America.
Of course, China’s march (Didi with futuristic weapons) also provides some historical narrative, an attempt by the Communist government to play a greater role in defeating fascism and imperialism in World War II. If the conflict sparked what was called the “American century,” Beijing might hope to have newly discovered respect for its role that could allow people to transition to the future of Chinese craft.
“This is the first step in a consistent effort to rewrite the rules of the road,” said Secretary of Veterans Affairs Richard Wilkie during Trump’s first presidency. “You then do it first by rewriting history.”
He added that Chinese nationalists and U.S. military were associated with Japan’s failure in Asia, not communist forces.
However, the march is not the only image of China that has emerged this week, that American policymakers intend to maintain the U.S.-led international order may attract attention.
Xi Jinping and Putin huddled with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi at an economic summit in Tianjin on Monday – suggesting that the frost relationship between China and India may be largely due to the heat generated by Trump’s tariff policies, which are particularly difficult for both countries.
Donald Trump’s “America First” outlook on global trade disrupts the world’s economic and political consistency, and it is clear that the newly discovered leaders of China, Russia and India provide powerful illustrations for some of the biggest pieces of some of the biggest puzzles in geopolitical puzzles, how to blend together in challenging ways, but not entirely unpredictable.
Of course, Trump believes tariffs are indispensable for his plan to protect the U.S. industry and bring new revenue to the federal government. If there is a diplomatic price, then for now, he seems to be a price willing to pay.
“Koreans, Japanese, Filipinos, Vietnamese know that the real threat is not any slap in a trade partnership with the United States,” Wilkie said. “The threat is increasing China’s military power.”

Trump also has an ambivalent attitude toward conflict and concerns away from U.S. land, but instead focuses on a “field of influence” that includes keen interest in the U.S. geographic communities – Greenland, Panama and Canada.
However, Trump’s danger is that his comprehensive trade behavior may eventually become a risk without reward. There are growing signs that the U.S. judiciary may demolish the newly built U.S.-centric trade system in the coming days.
On Friday, The Court of Appeals ruled that many of his tariffs were based on a false interpretation of federal law. Trump promised he would revoke the U.S. Supreme Court for a reversal, but while the Conservative judges who ruled the chamber at Trump’s favorable ruling meeting, they also hint at the president’s views on a new and new policy-making without the explicit permission of Congress. There is no guarantee that the court will support Trump’s generous interpretation of the president’s power.
On the trade side, Trump crossed his own beats—bringing the United States into a dramatic new course in a matter of months and creating a new international deputy.
Trump promised this is an ambitious strategy that will lead to a second American golden age. But the dangers at the parade site in Tiananmen Square and in the U.S. courtrooms are very real.

Following Trump’s second term with weekly twists and weeks of North American correspondent Anthony Zurcher American politics continues to grow communication. British readers can Register here. Anyone outside the UK can Register here.

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