Behind Trump’s Jeffrey Epstein problem

Donald Trump’s political allies have long insisted on a little bit of condescendence, and the media should take the president seriously, but in fact it’s not literally. However, Trump’s literally is one of his own supporters, and over the years they have absorbed his most exaggerated claims as if they have resolved the truth: Hillary Clinton and various competitors have committed high crimes, namely election stolen in 2020, involving a full investigation around the death of Billienaire Jeffrey Epstein. Dilemma rarely needs proof. So, earlier this month, when the Justice Department and the FBI issued a statement, the statement said that in fact, there was no deeper mystery behind Epstein’s death, which happened in a 2019 Manhattan prison cell as he was facing a trial of sex trafficking and was considered a hanged person and could be considered the White House – possibly the White House – possibly the White House – probably the White House – probably the White House. MagazineThe scriptures will only continue to move forward as before. Surprisingly, Trump still couldn’t calm down for two weeks, which is not.

The president squirmed, trying to refute the commotion (“Are people still talking about this person?”) and somehow blamed it on Barack Obama and Joe Biden (the Democratic “new scam”). Even more unexpectedly, he called the people at his base who asked for a wealthier accountant “weak” and “stupid” to “my past supporters fell into this “nonsense,” “hook, line,” and “pend.” But it’s just blood in the water, both for Democrats who now call for a full release of Epstein archives, as well as anonymous Republican strategists, who began warning of a decline in turnout in the midterm.

In Trump’s aide, one theory is that his team not only promises the atmosphere and hint as usual, but something he is usually allergic to: hard evidence. Details of Epstein’s life – the close connection he has made in politics, finance and academics; he was convicted in Florida in 2008 to solicit prostitution; his way of avoiding more serious punishment has been recorded in detail. but Magazine The doomed government to participate in the cover-up and have a list of Epstein clients, a theory that could involve outrageous crimes. Last October, Trump’s running mate, JD Vance, said: “Seriously, we need to release the Epstein roster.” In February, Attorney General Pam Bondi answered a question whether the Justice Department will soon publish “the list of Jeffrey Epstein clients” and said “sit at my desk for review now.” 15 right-wing influencers have gone to the White House and obtained a binder titled “Epstein Archives: Phase I.” But those “files” don’t provide anything new.

For Trump’s allies in the right-wing media, many have been predicting Epstein’s spectacular revelation over the years, which seems to be the Dodge. “The U.S. government that I voted for refused to take my problem seriously, but said, ‘Case shut down, shut up, conspiracy theorists are too many for me,” Tucker Carlson said. Megyn Kelly posted on X, there are only two possibilities: no list of clients, Bondi misled the public, or “there is a scandal that is covered up, it’s in his position” – Trump’s “direction.” Steve Bannon estimates that the rebound will give Republicans 40 seats in the House next year. The final prediction may be worth taking seriously, but it is not.

Even more interesting is that Trump’s recent reaction between his allies is: Silicon Valley billionaires and podcast brothers, who are key to victory in 2024. Elon Musk has been making joyful accusations against Trump. “He did the exact opposite of everything I voted for,” complained, the comedian and podcast Andrew Schulz. Joe Rogan, one of Trump’s most important allies in November, sounds betrayed now: “Why do they say there are thousands of hours of people doing horrible shit? Why do they say that?”

Trump is vulnerable to the Epstein case, not only because two men filmed the party together, or because Trump praised Epstein in a widely circulated offer, or because Epstein told reporter Michael Wolff that he had been the president’s “closeest friend” for a decade. (Trump eventually said they had “falled.”) Wall Street Journal According to reports, Trump and others sent him a “bawdy” birthday letter for Epstein’s fiftieth birthday, and Trump denied him, saying he would sue Magazine“Like I sued everyone else.” Liberals put all this into practice and might suspect that this is a simple source of Trump’s political choice: If you build followers on the edge of the internet, you might be obsessed with its obsession. But the uproar is also related to the way the Trump movement develops.

In a pandemic atmosphere of anger and distrust, Trump is more flexible than Democrats expanding support among those interested in political irregularities, and he has reached a young, non-white, male, and unlikely to have a college degree. That group, and the podcasts they offer to listeners, seemed to be attracted by Trump’s role, an outsider, against the agency. Yet, despite a cruel and authoritarian style, Trump has given them the Republican establishment policy: budget cuts Medicaid, deprives 17 million people of health insurance, and brings huge tax breaks to the rich, and military intervention in the Middle East. A CNN poll released Wednesday showed that the number of Americans who “strongly endorsed” Trump’s presidency (a measure of his base) is now the lowest point in his first and second term.

No wonder Trump sounds angry. (Bondy will make “any and all” grand jury testimony from Epstein’s case, though it seems unlikely to satisfy anyone.) The central fantasy of his political career is that he remains an outsider despite his wealth and obvious influence. But it has been a fictional man, and now – with the unification of Republican leaders behind him and the Supreme Court, primarily supporting him – he might feel strong enough to leave some of his movements behind. Sophomore Trump no longer acts as a populist, Epstein case is unfolding to test how Magazine Respond to this news. ♦