Israel’s denial area|New Yorker

“What we are doing in Gaza is a war of destruction: no matter how much, infinite, cruel and criminal killing of civilians,” wrote former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert Harez. He said his country was guilty of war crimes. “We do this because of the loss of control in any particular department, not because of the disproportionate outbreaks of some soldiers in certain departments. Instead, it is the result of government policy – consciously, undoubtedly, maliciously, irresponsibly.”

Hamas launched the October 7 attack, knowing that it would cause huge Israeli retaliation. In order to regain control of Palestinians with a long history and eliminate Zionist state, Singwar once said: “We are ready to sacrifice two thousand, three thousand, and one hundred thousand.” He knew that war could bring horrible casualties. He has helped build money in Iran and Katari and the cynical complicity of the Israeli government, a military landscape embedded in tunnels and outposts of schools, families, hospitals and UN sites. Palestinian civilians suffer more than just foreseeable consequences. This is an integral part of the strategy. It’s only remember now, but on October 7, Joe Biden not only held his arms around Israel, but also advised its leaders not to get out of “all-powerful anger.” In the nighttime news, the Israelites could hardly see the ruins, atrocities, and the result of this anger has been released for nearly two years.

“Everyone believed in the enemy’s atrocities and acts of unwillingness to review the evidence without having to bother to check the evidence,” George Orwell wrote after the Republican side in the Spanish Civil War. “Unfortunately, the truth about the atrocities is far worse than they lie and propaganda. The fact is that they happened.”

Until October 7, Netanyahu, like most Israeli security agencies, viewed Hamas as an issue to be managed rather than an existential threat. At the heart of Iran is obsession: shadows on the wall. Israel has been the only nuclear power in the region for more than half a century. This reality supports Israel’s doctrine of deterrence and its deepest anxiety. No matter how many rockets fall in Gaza, it puts Iran at the top of every prime minister’s agenda. Iran desires what Israel has; Israel fears what Iran will build. Ironically, Israel’s nuclear superiority begins entirely with another crisis.

In 1956, after Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser nationalized the Suez Canal (selecting Britain and France as colonists) the power of expelled demanded Israel invasion of Sinai. Britain and France are looking for excuses to intervene in “peacekeeping personnel” and regain control of the canal. Shimon Peres, then Director-General of Israel’s Defense Ministry, decades later, was his role in the Oslo agreement, and he incorporated the deal into the deal: In return for Israel in its operation, France agreed to provide nuclear technology.

The Sinai movement was a disaster, but French Prime Minister Guy Mollet maintained his bargaining side. “I owe the bomb,” he said. The Israelis quickly established a nuclear program in Dimona, a village in the Negev. David Ben-Gurion claimed in a little forgery that the reactor was to make the desert bloom. President John F. Kennedy couldn’t believe it and was shocked by the prospects for nuclear weapons in the Middle East. However, after Kennedy’s assassination, the U.S. opposition subsided. Today, Israel has a large number of nuclear bombs, but does not admit it. Instead, Israeli officials maintained a policy amimutor strategic ambiguity. Recently, I was interviewing a retired leader of an intelligence agency. After he described the power of Israel’s weapons and their ability to deal with their opponents, he added with a smile: “Of course, according to foreign sources, we have other strategic advantages.” “According to foreign sources”: This is always a phrase.

At the same time, Israel, which has been threatened since its establishment, has tried its best to deny its opponents this “strategic advantage” and support it with force. In 1980, Menachem Begin, his intelligence services had to take into account that Iraqi President Saddam Hussein was building the reactor Osirak, an isolated outpost near Baghdad. For the beginning, his father, mother and brother were murdered by the Nazis, which added a second Shoah. He told his military chief: “This morning, when I saw Jewish children playing outside, I decided: No, never again.” Despite warnings and objections to Perez and other officials in the administration, they began to gain support in the cabinet and in June 1981, eight American-made fighters were dispatched to drop 16 bombs on the Osirak reactor. Israel has been condemned at the United Nations, including the United States.

Initially, Israel’s relationship with the U.S. patron was generally protected, considering him to be responsible for strikes on Iraq. “During the Holocaust, a million children were killed by Zyklon B. This time, it was Israeli children who would be radioactively poisoned.” The attack on Osirak became the basis of the inception doctrine, which believed that no opponent in the region could obtain nuclear weapons. If tried, Israel will take action.

In 2007, Mossad agents broke into the Vienna apartment of Ibrahim Othman, head of the Syrian Atomic Energy Commission. According to David Makovsky’s comprehensive account New Yorkeragents extracted certain evidence from Ottoman computers: Syria secretly built a plut bug reactor with the help of North Korea. Mossad’s head Meir Dagan brought the findings to Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, who decided to attack before the reactor was “hot” to prevent radiation from leaking into the Euphrates.

Israelis yearn for American support, but the George W. Bush administration is still rolling up in Iraq’s collapse, hesitating. “Every government has fought a pre-war against Muslim countries,” Defense Secretary Robert Gates told aides. Robert Gates already had a war. Condoleezza Rice and other senior officials noted Israel’s war against Hezbollah in Lebanon, fearing that the Israeli strike would spark wider conflict. Meanwhile, Israeli officials recalled global failed efforts to stop North Korea and Pakistan from purchasing nuclear weapons because “too early, too early – too early – too late”. They firmly believe they can’t afford to wait. The signal between Bush and Olmer purposefully blurred. Olmert did not ask for a green light, Bush did not give it a green light, but he did not flash red, either.

At about midnight on September 5, 2007, eight Israeli jets crossed Syria and dropped 17 tons of explosives on Al Kibar. Syrian state media claimed that the planes had faced and drove away, “in which they put some ammunition in the deserted area without causing any human or material damage.” Once the jet landed safely, Olmert called Bush and said, “I just want to report to you that what exists is no longer there.” In the following weeks, Bashar al-Assad denied that Israel had suffered any impact in Syria. The Israelites remain silent from their perspective. As a security official said the “denial zone” allowed Assad to avoid public humiliation and prevented his revenge.

Netanyahu has been warning Iran of the bombing since 1992. Since then, in speeches to the United Nations and Congress, in books, in cabinet meetings – he has sent out an alarm about the looming nuclear ambitions on every opportunity.

There are many reasons for distrust of Netanyahu: his habit of lying; his willingness to form alliances with religious fanatics and racists; his cruel, protracted prosecution of the war in Gaza, a strategy that seems motivated in large part by a desire to uphold the rule. Apparently, he sometimes exaggerates the speed of progress Iran has made as a nuclear threshold country. But the reality of Iran’s ambitions cannot be dismissed. Iran has repeatedly called on its own scientists and turned to the network of Abdul Qadeer Khan, the father of Pakistan’s atomic bomb, for help. It has systematically conducted systematic international inspections and developed more complex, fragmented and firm plans compared to Saddam Hussein or Assad.

Israel’s anxiety is not easy to be eliminated. After all, it is rare for one United Nations member state to be eliminated and threaten another. I attended the New York Press Release Breakfast held by Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in 2006, which he described as “fake-up”, a kind of riot that would “eliminate” in due course. In a lesser attitude environment, Ahmadinejad said the Holocaust was a “myth” and that Israel should “disappear from the pages of time”. Former Iranian President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani believes that Israel is small enough to become “a bomb country.” In September 2015, Khamenei was evident: “Israel will not exist within twenty-five years.” A few years later, the regime installed a digital clock on the Palestinian Square in Tehran, reducing the number of days to 2040 and expected to defeat Israel.